Between Two Worlds: Blacks and the Frontier Zone of the English and Spanish North American Colonies

Darius Spearman (African Elements)
July 19, 2013

Introduction:The Notion of Frontiers and the Struggle of Borders

“What do Black people want?” was the question asked to a Black reporter at an east coast convention. Growing annoyed at having been asked this question one too many times the reporter retorted, “Get out a piece of paper and a pencil, go home, write down everything you want for you and your family, and sign my damn name!”[1]

Related Episodes:

The desire of Blacks to attain status within a society that has deliberately associated their blackness with lesser status has been a constant issue in African American history in the United States. This is no less true in the colonial period – in fact this period is characterized by the constant motion of people of all types searching for space to express their culture and to be part of a society on their own terms. Many African Americans saw the frontier zone between the English and Spanish North American colonies as one such potential space.

That blackness was a major factor in determining the issue of who was a slave and who was free was a truism that remains unspoken (and needless to say).This distinction was necessary for white servants to elevate their status somewhat. That noticeable division became a societal rift between Blacks and mainstream society, and it is evident even in the very study of history – including (significantly) frontier history.

The highly romanticized study of frontiers in American history approaches the subject in terms of “manifest destiny,” or the progression of Anglo settlement across the continental United states. On the American frontier in John C. Parish’s metaphorical terms “The westward movement is the tide, whereas the frontier is the line of breakers and white surf.”[2]This nostalgic perspective presents certain problems regarding the study of frontiers in American history. The main problem, which serves as the impetus for writing this paper, is that Parish’s perspective is largely concerned with the uni-directional east-west movement of Anglo migration, which is but a narrow aspect of the complex dynamics of the frontier.

Dr. Jack D. Forbes revises the concept of the frontier in the sense that “there can be no frontier without the meeting of at least two entities, a coming up against each other; in short, a contact situation.”[3]Understanding these different aspects does much for our understanding of American frontier history by expanding our frame of reference. We move from the ethnocentric Anglo perspective toward a more holistic approach:

Thus what one sees in the Southeast is not a frontier but a frontier complex, a multiplicity of frontiers in dynamic interaction. To name but a few, there were the Franco-Spanish, Anglo-French, Franco-Creek, Anglo-Spanish, Hispano-Creek . . . ad infinitum. And further complexity is introduced when we consider the Anglo-Negro, Franco-Negro, Hispano-Negro, and Indian-Negro aspects of the various frontiers.[4]


It is the latter set – the Negro aspect of the various frontier – that will be the focus of this paper. Because frontiers can only exist between separate peoples who view themselves as being different from one another, the southeastern frontier of the American colonies took on a special significance for African Americans. The fact that prior to about 1830 the “underground railroad” ran southward (toward the Mexican territories) demonstrates the notion of the frontier as a neutral zone between two separate peoples and their respective political entities. The frontier, characterized by chronic instability, provided some Blacks an alternative to enslavement and an opportunity to fulfill other roles in society that were more desirable than that of slavery.

The particular frontier that shall be discussed in this paper consists of an intermediate area between the English and Spanish ecumenes, or mastered zones – specifically, the South Carolina and northern Florida region. Blacks were placed at the crux of a competition between the two empires, the apex of which was this frontier region. The “checkerboard” affect becomes apparent in Spain’s decision to keep Florida after the Spanish crown had previously considered abandoning the region. Florida, like New Mexico, existed at the expense of the Spanish crown rather than generating profit.[5]That decision came after the establishments of England’s Jamestown colony in 1607 and France’s Quebec colony in 1608.[6]

David J. Weber referred to the Atlantic coast as “the arena of greatest imperial contention.”[7] Any ships returning to Europe from the New World had to go by way of the Gulf Stream, which flowed along the eastern seaboard of North America before rotating in a clockwise direction back in the direction of Europe. Those who controlled the coast, therefore controlled the shipping lanes. Previous plunderings of Spanish treasure ships by Raleigh, and Francis Drake made Spain extremely wary of English and French settlements at points from which the Spanish galleons could easily be intercepted.

The English/Spanish frontier region is illustrative of the many struggles based on desire of a people for territory to freely express their culture. Their role in that conflict provided Blacks with the opportunity to seek out that cultural space.On the English side, the definition of slavery gradually narrowed from criminals to non-Christians to Blacks. Where Blacks were too far removed from the mainstream society to have any feasible chance of obtaining equal footing with regards to life, liberty, and property, African Americans have been willing to relocate themselves to those places in which these desires were most likely to be obtained. It is in this regard that the frontier takes on a profound significance for Blacks.

With the frontier thus defined as a border area between (at least) two distinct political entities, it is necessary at this time to review the political distinctions between those entities that are the focus of this paper – English and Spanish North America – and the dynamics that make those distinctions of particular significance to African Americans.

The Nature of the Frontier (South Carolina and
Spanish Florida):

Both English and Spanish claims to the Southeastern seaboard are deep seeded. The first European arrival came in 1525. Spanish explorer Ayllon brought a few enslaved Africans to what is now the South Carolina coast. The attempt to build a colony failed, but some historians argue that before the survivors left, some Africans may have escaped and then intermarried with Native Americans in the area.

Blacks of the Spanish empire had demonstrated from the outset that they were a necessary ingredient in Spain’s plans for a New World empire – even beyond their capacity for slave labor. As early as 1501, Africans came as explorers with the French and Spanish to the New World. Many Negroes accompanied European explorers to the New World as it soon became apparent that gross amounts of man power were necessary in order to maintain Spanish holdings in the New World.

To meet these needs, Spain renounced her earlier ban and permitted Africans to go into Spanish lands in 1501, and the Spanish army recruited countless Africans. There were thirty Blacks present when Balboa “discovered” the Pacific Ocean. One of the Negroes who accompanied Cortes into Tenochtitlán (Mexico City) planted and harvested the first wheat crop in the New World; two accompanied Velas in 1520; two hundred Negroes accompanied the Alvarado expedition to Quito; the Negroes who accompanied Pizarro’s Peruvian expedition carried him to the cathedral after his death, and; the Africans in the Chilean expeditions of Almagro and Valdivia saved their Spanish masters from the Indians in 1525.Jack Forbes summarizes:

Virtually every Spanish expedition which reached the mainland of North America included numbers of Africans of Muslim or non-Muslim background . . . [further] Afro-Americans were very important in the expansion of Spanish power northward in Mexico in what is now the southwestern US . . . [they] supervised mission Indians and developed new towns devoted to mining.[8]


This should not come as a surprise when considering that Africans in Spain were present in large numbers before the conquest within a population already intermixed with substantial amounts of African blood.

The expedition of Panfilo de Narvaez (1528-1536) was perhaps the most consequential in the path to California. Estevanico was one of the four survivors of the doomed expedition that embarked with over six hundred men who sought to gain control over the region from Rio de las Palmas in eastern Mexico to Florida. Along with Cabeza de Vaca the survivors embarked on an eight-year trek exploring the southwestern part of the present United States in search of a Spanish settlement. Numerous times in de Vaca’s relation of the events to the Spanish crown, de Vaca points out his reliance on Estevanico as a guide, scout, and interpreter: “The Negro [Estavanico] was in constant conversation [with the natives]; he informed himself about the ways we wished to take, of the towns there were, and the matters we desired to know.”[9]

An Arab Negro survivor of the Navarez party, Estevanico traveled with de Vaca from Texas to Sonora.[10] It was de Vaca’s travels and account of the southwest that directly led to the discovery of California. Along their journey Cabeza de Vaca and the surviving members of the Navarez party heard from the natives of great and powerful cities to the north. Based on these descriptions, the four concluded that these must be the fabled Seven Cities of Cibola. This account, along with the promise of the immense riches of Cibola, led to further expeditions.

Racial purity, a requisite for elite status in Spain and its American colonies, proved less essential to upward mobility on the frontier than in core areas of the empire.While Viceroy Luis de Velasco urged Tristán de Luna to be aware of the “halfbreeds, mulattos, and Indians” he was taking to Florida because “these will only serve to set the camp in confusion and eat up the supplies,“the Colonizers of New Spain could not afford to be choosy.[11]

In 1540, Hernando de Soto encountered the Cherokee and kidnaped the Lady of Cofitachequi, a prominent Cherokee leader. She escaped to Xuala with an African slave belonging to one of the officers and “they lived together as man and wife.”[12] Black slaves also played a critical role in Luis Vazquez de Ayllon’s aborted colony in South Carolina; a slave revolt occurred in the colony and African slaves fled to live among the Cherokee.[13]

Inevitably, mixed bloods, together with blacks and Hispanicized Indians, composed the vast majority of the population on New Spain, and therefore immigrants to New Mexico, Texas, Arizona, and California, and, to a slightly lesser extent, Florida.For example, only one-third of the men and one fourth of the women who founded San Joe and San Francisco in 1777 claimed to be ethnically Spanish of the initial forty-six residents of Los Angeles in 1781, only two identified themselves as Españoles.[14]

By contrast, in Florida and Louisiana the majority of Hispanicshad come directly from Andalusia, the Cantabrian provinces, or other parts of Spain, but there, too, mestizos, mulattoes, and blacks formed the significant percentages of the Hispanic population.On the frontier, as throughout the Spanish empire, only Españoles enjoyed all the privileges that the Crown extended to its subjects.Governor Zúñiga characterized St. Augustine’s non-Español (those not of “pure” Spanish descent) residents in 1702 as “Negroes, mulattos, Indians, and mestizos and other dastardly persons.”15] Whatever Zúñiga’s personal feelings toward non-Spaniards, Spain had little choice in utilizing them to populate newly acquired regions – however begrudgingly.Indians Blacks, and mixed bloods lived on the edge of town or in certain neighborhoods, whereas Españoles lived near the plaza.In the mid eighteenth century, St. Augustine had two separate militias – Españoles, and mestizos, free mulattoes[16]

The significant factor in comparison of the two empires vis-a-vis the frontier that separated them is that Blacks played an active role in the founding and maintenance of Spanish Florida, whereas Blacks from the Carolinas were imported on a large scale after the initial mastery of the area specifically for the purpose of providing labor.

Manpower was of key concern to Spanish colonial officials.Seminoles, and Creeks along with Blacks posed a formidable force for the Spanish.Together Governor Zéspedes estimated that they could muster a force twice the size of Spain’s colonial forces.For this reason, Spain aspired to maintain harmonious relations with the Seminoles.[17] In Florida, and the Spaniards welcomed maroons from the English North American colonies, and used them against their former masters.

Because of this focus, Blacks had opportunities to fulfill a variety of roles on the Spanish frontier outside the realm of forced servitude.Spain in the New World under the practice of repoblación was guided by the principle and patterns of the reconquista that “to govern is to populate.”[18] Spanish citizens settled Florida in 1565 under these general principles.These settlements were initially concentrated near the walled city of Saint Augustine, but later the frontier expanded to the large cattle and wheat ranches in the rich lands of the Apalachee Indians near present day Tallahassee and Gainsville.[19] Blacks were likely concentrated in or near St. Augustine where employment and community life were possible rather than on the frontier where threatened by Indians and pirates.

In 1670, a group of about one hundred English settlers and at least one enslaved African created the first permanent colony in the Carolinas near present-day Charleston. Soon after the governor brought a family of enslaved Africans, known only as John Senior, John Junior, and Elizabeth, to the colony. In the following years enslaved Africans helped secure the foothold in the Carolinas by building homes and performing such tasks as the cooking, sewing and gardening required on plantations and in towns – without pay.

Black slaves were present in the Carolina colony almost from the beginning.Their numbers quickly mounted as a result of deliberate encouragement.The proprietors of the Carolina colony in 1663 offered twenty acres to the colony’s original settlers for every Negro man slave, and ten acres for every Negro woman slave.[20] John Norris, a South Carolina planter estimated the costs of setting up a plantation:

Imprimis; Fifteen good Negro Men at 45 lb each 675 lb.

Item: Fifteen Indian Women to work in the Field at 18 lb each, comes to 270 lb.

Item, Three Indian Women as cooks for the Slaves and other Household Business 55 lb.[21]

Seed rice arrived in Charleston in 1685 as a gift from a sea captain whose boat was under repair. Although early efforts by the English to grow rice failed, the incorporation of agricultural skills enslaved Africans brought from Africa eventually allowed for the lift of the rice culture, which created great wealth for the colony.

Due to labor needs implicit in the production of rice, the importation of more and more enslaved Africans soon became necessary. By 1708 the numbers of whites and blacks in South Carolina are equal at about 4,000 each, according to British census figures. For most of the next two centuries (except a brief period between 1790 and 1820) blacks outnumbered whites in the state. The 1670 establishment of Charles Town in Carolina (ten days journey from St. Augustine) made the frontier dynamics even more complex.
The Anglo presence in the Carolina colony eventually proved to be a flashpoint on the frontier, intensifying almost one hundred years of Anglo/Spanish imperial conflict over what is today the south-eastern United States.Maroon societies soon were well established in remote marshy areas along the frontier.These maroons, however, lived a miserable existence in disease infested swamps.The frontier offered many Blacks an alternative price to pay for their freedom.This frontier conflict was thus profoundly significant to African Americans.


Entre Dos Mundos/(Between Two Worlds)

Black maroons and rebellions had been a constant nuisance in slave colonies throughout the Americas.Maroon societies have always thrived in remote areas just outside the mastered area of colonial establishment in virtually every slave colony of the French, English, Dutch (during their brief settlement in South America) and Portuguese.Thus, that Blacks slaves would seek out refuge in remote areas of South Carolina and Florida is well grounded in historical patterns of fugitive slave activities.In 1720, authorities in Charleston discovered a plot “of the negroes with a design to destroy all the white people in the country and then take the town[22]

By 1715 Blacks outnumbered whites 10,500 to 6,250, and in 1724 the Black population was triple that of Whites.[23] In the 1720s, South Carolina’s local slave patrols merged with the colony’s militia, showing a focus on increased surveillance of the resisting enslaved blacks rather than concern with an outer enemy.[24]

Between 1730 and 1739 about twenty thousand enslaved Africans were brought to South Carolina.The slaves resisted in a wide range of ways, from acting lazy or stupid or sabotage, to theft, marronage (running away), and acts of individual violent resistance.Every year since slaves arrived in Carolina, the constant concern for slave insurrection from maroons and rebels steadily intensified.Vincent Harding points out the role of the frontier in magnifying these problems:

Carolina’s rice and indigo plantations spread, as largely absentee ownership gave over the semitropical areas to their African laborers, running away became an even greater option than in Virginia, and environs of St. Augustine soon began to build up with Carolina’s fugitive blacks . . . On the frontiers there was constant word of blacks and Indians coming up from the Florida area to attack planters, “to rob and plunder us,” to capture (or rescue) enslaved blacks.”[25]


There were constant signs of concern over runaways present in journals, newspapers, and advertisements for the return of runaways in South Carolina. In January of 1739, this concern and Florida’s significance to it were vividly summarized by Lt. Governor William Bulls’ opening remarks to the council and commons in determining the response to . . .the Encouragement lately given by the Spaniards for desertion of Negroes from this Government to the Garrison of St. Augustine . . . The desertion of our Slaves is a Matter of so much Importance to this province that I doubt not but you will readily concur in Opinion with me that the most effectual Means ought to be used to discourage and prevent it for the Future, and to render as secure as possible a Part of the Estates and Properties of his Majesty’s Subjects.[26]

As repeated English and Indian attacks weakened Spain’s foothold in Florida, groups of runaway slaves from Carolina and later, Georgia began appearing in St. Augustine. Florida’s governors accepted and sheltered the fugitives, who claimed to be seeking conversion into the “True Faith” (Catholicism), while emphasizing their religious duty.[27] Both, however, were fully aware of their mutual benefit by these arrangements – Blacks gained freedom, while the Spanish had weakened the English plantation economies to the north. In 1693 the Crown granted freedom to all the runaways, “the men as well as the women . . . so that by their example and by my liberality others will do the same.”[28] The message was obviously received, as these refugees reached so sufficient numbers as to eventually compose a sizable community.

Governor Manuel de Montiano was so pleased with the results that he then decided not only to make freedmen out of all fugitive slaves of the English, but granted them lands of their own to settled on. In 1738 the governor granted the black refugees homesteading lands on which they founded a village called Gracia Real de Santa Terede de Mose two miles north of St. Augustine. Again, their mutual benefit was plainly evident. In a memorial to the king the grateful freedmen and women vowed to be “the most cruel enemies of the English,” and to “shed their last drop of blood in defense of the Great crown of Spain
and the Holy Faith. “The Black settlers fully understood their function as a military buffer against the English. As well, each recognized their mutual interest in repelling Spain’s enemy with regard to Mose.

Treated as another Indian village, the Crown supplied Mose with the same subsidies, goods, and Franciscan priests.

In creating Mose, the governor drew an approved model – the mission village or reducción. Institution approved by Isabela on the grounds that congregating Indians into villages nearby Spanish settlements would facilitate the religious instruction of the residents, while making sure that they provided required labor or tribute.[29]


Skilled carpenters, masons and agriculturists were among the approximately 100 free men, women and children living at this first autonomous town of free blacks.They cleared the land, planted new fields and erected homes, a church and a fort in Mose.

A god send to the northern Spanish frontier, Governor Montiano was overjoyed with the industry of the settlers and the progress he witnessed at Mose. With little effort on the part of the Spanish, the Black settlers had provided the Spanish self-contained “vida política,” or an orderly and community-focused life.[30] More importantly, they provide a stabilized community on an increasingly dangerous and unstable frontier.

The Stono Rebellion of 1739 offers the most concrete evidence that enslaved Africans acknowledged the frontier as a place of opportunity and possibility for a better life. Although enslaved people have periodically fought back, this is the first large-scale rebellion. Roughly one hundred slaves, led by “Jemmy,” captured firearms from a store about twenty miles south of Charleston, and attempted to rally more people to join them. They planned to fight their way to St. Augustine where the Spanish promised freedom. They accidentally ran in to a group of whites led by the Lt. Governor of the state, who alerted white authorities before the group has time to grow into an overwhelming force. The revolt was forcefully put down and some sixty of the rebels were executed.

Reaction to the Stono Rebellion was both immediate and far reaching. The South Carolina legislature passed slave codes forbidding travel without written permission, group meetings without the presence of whites, raising their own food, possessing money, learning to read, and the use of drums, horns, and other “loud instruments,” that might be used by enslaved Africans to communicate with each other.

The free lands of Spanish Florida were an obvious menace to the stability of South Carolina, and in 1740 General James Oglethore led a combined land and sea attack on St. Augustine which overran Mose. He invaded Florida with a force of 2,000 including his Lower Creek, Cherokee, and Chickasaw allies and took Spain’s posts at San Diego, Picolata, Pupo, and Mose. Homesteaders were forced to withdraw into St. Augustine. Spaniards, including black militia from Mose stole out of the besieged fort at night, retook Mose, and inflicted heavy casualties. Oglethorpe withdrew when reinforcements from Cuba arrived.[31]

In April of 1744, the government of South Carolina sought the aid of Notchee Indians in maintaining the subordination of its slave population. Three months later, on July 5, 1744, Governor James Glen applied “for the assistance of some Notchee Indians in order to apprehend some runaway Negroes, who had sheltered themselves in the Woods, and being armed, had committed disorders.”[32] Blacks in Florida who had fled into the interior of Florida had formed Spanish communities, assimilated into Indian cultures, or had become slaves of Creeks and other tribes.

The Catawba were particularly noted for their capabilities as slave catchers. In 1765, the Governor of South Carolina sent the Catawba after a group of fugitive slaves in the mountains. This “vigorous maroon colony in the Blue Ridge Mountains”[33] was eventually captured by the Catawba “partly by the Terror of their name, their diligence, and their singular sagacity in pursuing Enemies through such Thickets.”[34]
The Cherokee consistently refused to negotiate contracts and treaties with whites that required them to return runaway slaves, and even when they did sign them, they refused to live up to the agreement. The headman at Nuquasee in negotiating with the English, stated: “This small rope we show you is all we have to bind our slaves with, and may be broken, but you have iron chains for yours; however if we catch your slaves, we shall bind them as we can, and deliver them to our friends again, and have no pay for it.”[35]

In 1752, many of the original settlers re-established Mose along with some new African runaways who had since claimed sanctuary in St. Augustine. During that interval, Indian and English raids through the 1740s-1750s wreaked havoc on the frontier. In 1763 Spain finally lost Florida to the English by the provisions of the Treaty of Paris ending the seven years war. This turn of events led to a mass evacuation of Europeans and allied Indians and Africans from Florida. Over three thousand individuals joined in an exodus to Cuba and Campeche.

Although emigrants lost their property holdings when Spain evacuated the province, the Crown granted those who settled them, including the free black homesteaders of Mose, replacement lands and subsidies in Matanzas, Cuba. Mose’s founders struggled for years to break in new homesteads at San Augustin de la Nueva Florida (popularly called Cieba Mocha), but inadequate water and infrastructure caused many to abandon their lands and migrate back to Havana.[36]

Conclusion:”Because I am in All Cultures at the Same Time . . .”

The study of frontiers is of profound significance to US history. That “multiplicity of frontiers in dynamic interaction” that Dr. Jack describes extending “ad infinitum” in the southeast region alone has extreme ramifications when that region is multiplied to include the continental United States as it exists today. The making of US society, is in itself, a process by which frontiers are dissolved. It is for this reason that people who claim ethnic identity are perceived as “non-Americans.”

Blacks in United States society have faced with the same dilemma as Blacks throughout American history as far back as the colonial period. That is the paradox of creating a productive space for oneself as a Black person within a society that systematically and institutionally places blackness apart from mainstream society. Blackness — like Italianess, like Jewishness, like Irishness, like femininity — has had work within the conflicting values of a “pick-yourself-up-by-your-bootstraps” society that at the same time placing limitations on those who fall within its margins.

The Black struggle in America has been a struggle to step out of those margins and into mainstream society. Blacks have had to work within the parameters of a society which looks upon those who identify with any ethnicity as “non-Americans.” With a distinctive physical trait that makes it difficult to step away from their ethnicity way some other minorities have, Blacks find themselves systematically, and institutionally outside the framework of “American” society.

The Black struggle in America has been an attempt to come to terms with these problems. They have addressed it in various ways ranging from an all out move toward full inclusion to complete separatism. Their role of the frontier has been demonstrated to have been among those percieved solutions – a role through which African Americans have sought to become an entity in their own right. Florida’s significance in their vision has been demonstrated as recently as the 1920s with the establishment of Rosewood.

United States society is a struggle of borders – a conflict between the notion of manifest destiny and its attempt to come to terms with the cultural borders that remained intact when new territories were incorporated. Florida is a primary example of this conflict, as after the United States acquired Florida in the frontier remained largely intact. It was not until 1842 – twenty-three years after the United States officially annexed Florida in 1819 – that the fugitive Blacks, Whites, Creeks, and other Indians who composed the Seminole people were finally reduced to bands of isolated resistance to US encroachment on Florida. This country is still struggling with borders in ways less dramatic but equally significant. Blacks and other minorities have been searching for space in US society in which their ethnic identity does not set them apart from mainstream society. That, to answer the reporter’s question, is what Black people want.


Anzaldúa, Gloria. Borderlands/La Frontera: The New Mestiza. Aunte Lute Books, 1987.

Bourne, Edward Gaylord, and Buckingham Smith. Narratives of the Career of Hernando de Soto, 2 Vols. New York: A.S. Barnes, 1922.

Cabeza de Vaca, Alvar Nuñez. The Relation of Alvar Nuñez Cabeza de Vaca, trans. 1966, p. 168. Buckingham Smith, University Microfilms, Inc., 1966.

Crane, V. M. The Southern Frontier: 1670-1732. Ann Arbor: The University of Michigan Press, 1929.

Forbes, Jack D. Afro-Americans in the Far West; A Handbook for Educators. Washington, D.C: U.S. Govt. Print. Off, 1968.

Forbes, Jack D. Frontiers in American History and the Roll of the Frontier Historian. Dessert Research Institute, University of Nevada, 1966.

Franklin, John Hope, and Alfred A. Moss, Jr. From Slavery to Freedom: A History of Negro Americans, Sixth ed. McGraw-Hill Publishing Co., 1998.

Genovese, Eugene. From Rebellion to Revolution: Afro-American Slave Revolts in the Making of the Modern World. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1979.

Harding, Vincent. There is a River: The Black Struggle for Freedom in America. Harcourt Brace & Co., 1981.

Hauptman, Laurence. Between Two Fires: American Indians and the Civil War. New York: New York: Free Press, 1995.

Jane G. Landers, et al., eds. Against the Odds: Free Blacks in the Slave Societies of the Americas. Portland: Frank Cass & Co., 1996.

Owens, Keith A. “Programs, Not Platitudes, Needed To Prevent Rioting From Taking Place Here.” Sun Sentinel, July 4, 1992.

Richard Price, et al., eds.,. Maroon Societies: Rebel Slave Communities in the Americas. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1996.

Webber, David J. The Spanish Frontier in North America. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1992.

Wood, Peter H. Black Majority: Negroes in Colonial South Carolina from 1670 through the Stono Rebellion. New York: W. W. Norton & Company, 1996.

Wright, R.R. “Negro Companions of the Spanish Explorers.” American Anthropologist, Vol. 4, No. 2, 1904: 217-228.


[1] Owens, Keith A. “Programs, Not Platitudes, Needed To Prevent Rioting From Taking Place Here.” Sun Sentinel 4 July 1992. 9 January 2013

[2] Jack D. Forbes, Frontiers in American History and the Role of the Frontier Historian, Dessert Research Institute, University of Nevada, 1966, p. 3; John C. Parish, The Persistence of the Westward Movement and Other Essays, Berkeley:University of California Press, 1943, pp. 36-37

[3] Forbes, Frontiers in American History, p. 6

[4] Forbes, Frontiers in American History, p. 14

[5] David J. Webber, The Spanish Frontier in North America, Yale University Press, 1992, p. 88.

[6] Webber, The Spanish Frontier in North America, p. 87.

[7] Webber, The Spanish Frontier in North America, p. 88.

[8] Alvar Nuñez Cabeza de Vaca, The Relation of Alvar Nuñez Cabeza de Vaca, trans., Buckingham Smith, University Microfilms, Inc., 1966, p. 168.

[9] Forbes, Jack D. Afro-Americans in the Far West; A Handbook for Educators. Washington, D.C: U.S. Govt. Print. Off, 1968, p.9.

[10] Webber, The Spanish Frontier in North America, pp. 326-328.

[11] Edward Gaylord Bourne, Narratives of the Career of Hernando de Soto, 2 Vols. (New York, 1922), 1:72.

[12] R.R. Wright, “Negro Companions of the Spanish Explorers,” American Anthropologist 4 (1902): 217-28.

[13] Ibid.

[14] Ibid.

[15] Ibid.

[16] Webber, The Spanish Frontier in North America, pp. 181-182.

[17] Jane G. Landers, et al., eds., Against the Odds:Free Blacks in the Slave Societies of the Americas, Frank Cass & Co., 1996, p. 86.

[18] Ibid.

[19] John Hope Franklin and Alfred A Moss, Jr., From Slavery to Freedom: A History of Negro Americans, Sixth ed., McGraw-Hill Publishing Co., 1988, p. 57.

[20] John Norris, quoted in V. M. Crane, The Southern Frontier:1670-1732, Ann Arbor: The University of Michigan Press, 1929, p. 113.

[21] Vincent Harding, There is a River: The Black Struggle for Freedom in America, Harcourt Brace & Co., 1981, p. 31

[22] From Slavery to Freedom, p. 57.

[23] Harding, There is a River, p. 33.

[24] Harding, There is a River, p. 31-33.

[25] Black Majority, p. 309; South Carolina Commons House Journals, 1736-1739, Jan. 17, 1739, p. 590

[26] Landers, Against the Odds, pp. 86-87.

[27] Ibid.

[28] Ibid.

[29] Ibid.

[30] Ibid.

[31] Richard Price, et al., eds., Maroon Societies: Rebel Slave Communities in the Americas, the Johns Hopkins University Press, 1996, p. 153.

[32] Eugene Genovese, From Rebellion to Revolution: Afro-American Slave Revolts in the Making of the Modern World (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1979)

[33] Laurence Hauptman, Between Two Fires: American Indians and the Civil War (New York: Free Press, 1995), 89.

[34] Crane, V. M. The Southern Frontier: 1670-1732. Ann Arbor: The University of Michigan Press, 1929, p. 300.

[35] Ibid.

[36] Ibid.

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